The Supreme Court has asked: “For how many more generations will reservations in jobs and education sectors continue?” This question has arisen in the context of providing reservation for Marathas. The court has expressed anguish over the arguments that the maximum limit for reservation should be removed. In Maharashtra, Marathas are not ‘ex-untouchables’ and have obtained preferential representation in religious, political, economic and other sectors. Despite this, they have been demanding reservation using people, wealth, and political might.

Undoubtedly, this demand, if conceded,  is going to directly hit  the economically weaker sections of Dalit and Backward Classes. When upper castes including Marathas demand reservation, the first question that the court should ask:  ‘Are you experiencing caste exploitation or untouchability in society’? or ‘Have you been inadequately represented in political and education spheres due to caste exploitation or untouchability’? These two questions prove that they would not be eligible for reservations. But no judge or constitutional expert ever asks such a question to upper and forward castes. Not only this, the communities eligible for reservation remained silent and gave their permission when ten per cent reservation was provided for the poor in the upper castes. Of late, many upper castes are demanding reservation. Even though these advanced communities do not require reservation, certain forces are instigating them to fight for reservation. The stark reality is that this is an RSS ploy to remove reservation and these agitations are not being taken up with any concern for the respective castes or communities. 

The question ‘How long will reservation continue’ was not raised by the Judge but he was made to ask such a question. By providing ten per cent reservation for the upper caste poor, the objective of reservation has already been defeated. Reservation has not met any of its objectives so far or the powerful upper caste lobby in the establishment have not allowed its effective implementation.  To this date, lower caste people are involved in manual scavenging. A handful of Dalits benefited out of reservation, got educated, and obtained the best jobs. These educated Dalits have hardly tried to uplift their brethren or implement reservation for them. Many of them maintained a distance from the same Dalit community they were part of the moment they experienced the life of upper classes.  The situation would not have become so grim if those who saw better life thanks to reservation had taken interest in other Dalits. As Dalit movements weakened, strong communities started asking for their share in reservation. This reached a stage with upper caste poor given ten per cent reservation. If developed communities start grabbing a share of reservation, the reservation provided to weaker sections will shrink. If the concept of reservation tried to empower the disempowered weaker sections, the country is seeing a trend where the powerful and empowered sections are demanding more benefits. Society has accepted all this silently. When various castes hit the street to demand fresh or more reservation, the discussion that ensues is that ‘nobody needs reservation.’ It is obvious that a big conspiracy is being hatched to make sure that reservation is eventually removed by projecting that reservation is the reason for all confusion in the society.   

The first question that the court has to ask is: “Does caste-based exploitation exist”? If an answer is found to this question, an answer can be found to the question of whether reservation should continue or not. Even to this day, this country has Dalit colonies and Dalits are being exploited inhumanly. A situation is created where Dalits riding a horse at their weddings are attacked. It is not that the Judges are not aware of this. Let the judiciary obtain a report about the extent to which the lives of Dalits have improved after reservation. And if their lives have not been improved, it should probe as to why there has been no improvement. Then the truth will emerge. Today, the responsibility should be to make sure that reservation is implemented effectively and not to do away with reservation on the pretext that ‘the period of reservation is over.’ If Patels, Jats, or other castes exert pressure for reservation, the extent of representation that these castes have obtained when compared to other castes should be examined. Based on this, a decision on whether reservation should be provided or not should be taken. The only answer to the question ‘For how many generations reservation should continue’ is ‘Reservation should continue through generations as long as caste exploitation continues. When those who face caste exploitation get maximum representation in politics, industries, education spheres, then reservation can be removed.’ Let’s wait for such a day!   

 

Let the Truth be known. If you read VB and like VB, please be a VB Supporter and Help us deliver the Truth to one and all.



New Delhi (PTI): Lt Gen NS Raja Subramani will be India's new Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) and his key task is set to be to implement the ambitious theaterisation plan that seeks to ensure tri-services synergy. 

He will succeed Gen Anil Chauhan whose tenure will come to an end on May 30. 

Gen Chauhan, a former Eastern Army Commander, took charge as the country's senior-most military commander in September 2022, over nine months after the first CDS, General Bipin Rawat, died in a helicopter crash in Tamil Nadu. 

The government has appointed Lt Gen NS Raja Subramani (Retd) as the Chief of Defence Staff, who will also function as the secretary of the Department of Military Affairs, the defence ministry said on Saturday. 

Lt Gen Subramani is currently serving as the military adviser to the National Security Council Secretariat. 

Prior to that, he was the Vice Chief of the Army Staff from July 1, 2024 to July 31, 2025, and was General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Central Command from March 2023 till June 2024. 

As Chief of Defence Staff, Lt Gen Subramani's primary task will be to implement the theaterisation model to bring in tri-services synergy by rolling out integrated military commands.

The officer is a graduate of the National Defence Academy and the Indian Military Academy. He was commissioned into the eighth battalion of the Garhwal Rifles on December 14, 1985. 

Lt Gen Subramani is an alumnus of Joint Services Command Staff College, Bracknell (UK), and the National Defence College, New Delhi. He holds a Master of Arts degree from King's College London and an MPhil in defence studies from Madras University. 

In his illustrious career spanning over 40 years, Lt Gen Subramani has served across a wide spectrum of conflict and terrain profiles and tenanted a host of Command, Staff and Instructional appointments. 

He commanded the 16 Garhwal Rifles in Counter-Insurgency operations in Assam as part of Operation Rhino, the 168 Infantry Brigade in Jammu and Kashmir, and the 17 Mountain Division in the Central Sector, all during a challenging operational environment. 

He also has the distinction of commanding two Corps, including the Indian Army's premier strike Corps on the Western Front.