When democracy becomes increasingly autocratic, the first victim will be the media. If the media is silenced, the autocracy will have no challenge. In the absence of the media, the suppressive ways of the autocracy will never be known properly to the people. An autocratic government chooses two ways to suppress or shut the media. First it buys it. If that is not possible, then destroys it. The media at present is largely bought over by the powers-that-be. As a result, however worse the administration is, the media does not present this to the people and its role is limited to praising the government. One way of silencing the media is to threaten or attack it through goondas and another way is to use existing laws to harass journalists and silence them. The recent statement by the National Alliance of People’s Movement (NAPM), India’s respected civil rights organization, expressing concern over the increasing attacks on media houses and journalists across India has revealed that along with the media, even democracy is in danger.

The UPA government was also not far behind in misusing laws to silence journalists. Under Narendra Modi now, it has assumed dangerous proportions. In 2020, the country witnessed a 20 per cent increase in arrests of journalists and attacks on media houses. It is also notable that a large number of such cases are reported in states where BJP is in power. Journalists who are honest and those who abide by the principles of their profession are facing threats and violence. Between 2014 and 2019, more than 200 journalists faced physical assaults and several have even died. Even as the anti-CAA movement and farmer protests expanded throughout the country, the restrictions imposed against journalists have started increasing. Journalists who are reporting about the farmer protests are being directly attacked in the recent days. An example of this is the raid conducted by the Enforcement Directorate on the office of online news portal, NewsClick, that has been consistently reporting about the farmers’ protests. NewsClick’s Chief Editor Prabir Purakhayastha and writer Geeta Hariharan were practically kept under house arrest by the officials of the Enforcement Directorate.

Freelance journalist Mandeep Punia who was reporting about the farmer protests at New Delhi borders from the first day was dragged inhumanly and taken into custody. Five FIRs have been filed against famous journalists Rajdeep Sardesai, Mrinal Pande, Zafar Agaa, Caravan Magazine Founder Paresh Nath, Editor Ananth Nath, and Executive Editor Vinod K Jose along with other journalists. A non-bailable warrant was issued against senior journalist Paranjoy Guha Thakurtha for a news story published in The Wire against Corporate giant Adani against which Adani filed a defamation case. Later, the Gujarat High Court not only cancelled the warrant but also directed Thakurtha to appear before a lower court.

In January, the provisions of the draconian Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) were invoked against journalists Dhiren Sadokpam, Paojel Chaoba, and M Joy Luwang for an article published in a newspaper in Manipur. In the last few years, it has become quite common to invoke the  provisions of the UAPA against journalists who question and oppose the controversial decisions of the government. In the case of Kerala journalist Siddiqui Kappan who was imprisoned, the Uttar Pradesh government threw all Constitutional norms to the wind. The Uttar Pradesh police filed charges in an unconstitutional manner, invoked provisions of the UAPA, and arrested Kappan who was travelling to report the incident of rape and murder of a Dalit girl in Hathras. Kappan who was jailed on October 20, 2020 had to remain in prison until he was granted a temporary bail on February 15th, 2021.

Article 19 of the Constitution guarantees freedom of speech and expression  to citizens enabling the print and electronic media to function. This is one of the basic tenets of democracy. But the Union and state governments are employing barbaric laws to control information and news. Such a fascist attitude is against the values that the Indian Constitution upholds. Journalists are not safe where democracy is in danger. The increasing  attacks on journalists is an indication of democracy being in danger. For journalists, it is like a replay of the dark days of emergency.

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Ranchi(PTI): The Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) has emerged as a surprise element in the Jharkhand assembly elections with its candidates leading in five of the six seats where the party is contesting, according to trends available on the Election Commission's website on Saturday.

RJD candidates in five assembly seats were leading over sitting BJP legislators.

In 2019, RJD had secured only the Chatra seat where its nominee Satyanand Bhokta won.

In Deoghar, RJD’s Suresh Paswan was leading by 19,581 votes over his nearest rival and BJP's sitting MLA Narayan Das after the third round of counting.

RJD’s Sanjay Prasad Yadav was ahead by 19,867 votes in Godda over BJP MLA Amit Kumar Mandal after the sixth round of counting.

In Koderma, RJD nominee Subhash Prasad Yadav, who was out on bail, was leading by a margin of 3,471 votes over BJP’s sitting legislator Neera Yadav.

Subhas Prasad Yadav, considered to be one of the close aides of RJD supremo Lalu Prasad, was recently granted bail by the Supreme Court in a money laundering case.

Party’s Naresh Prasad Singh was leading by 5,159 votes after the fourth round of counting over BJP’s Bishrampur MLA Ramchandra Chandravanshi.

RJD's Sanjay Kumar Singh Yadav was also leading from Hussainabad by 8,213 votes after the fourth round of counting over BJP MLA Kamlesh Kumar Singh.

Party’s candidate Rashmi Prakash, however, was trailing from Chatra by 3,776 votes.

Bhokta did not contest the elections this time, and his daughter-in-law Prakash was given a ticket.