When the country is still struggling with the second wave of the Coronavirus, the government finds itself caught in the Rafale whirlpool yet again.The controversy over the Rafale deal broke out much before the pandemic with several organizations approaching the Supreme Court demanding an investigation into the deal but without any success as the apex court held the view that that ‘there is no need for an investigation.’
The NDA government seems to have considered the Supreme Court’s stand as a clean chit for itself forgetting that there is a difference in saying that there is no need for an investigation and getting an acquittal after prosecution. When the CBI showed some interest in the Rafale deal, the government clipped its wings.. Everyone who demanded an investigation was portrayed as “having no concern for the national security.”
After Modi got elected for the second term, the Congress party also became silent over the Rafale deal. Just when it was assumed that the controversy had died down, it has now resurfaced with the French government ordering a judicial probe into a French company’s role in the alleged deal. This was after a French website published several explosive reports that millions of Euros were exchanged as part of the agreement between the Indian government and the French company, Dassault, and that Indian officials were also bribed. Transparency over the deal pertaining to the purchase of Rafale aircraft is more important to India than France as it could have an impact on India’s defence whereas for France it could only be an issue of financial irregularities.
Though it was the UPA government that laid the foundation for the controversial Rafale deal, it had roped in Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), the pride of India in the aviation sector, as a partner and the deal provided an opportunity for purchasing a large number of aircrafts at lower prices besides acquiring latest aircraft technologies. But after the Modi government came to power, significant changes were made to the deal including the questionable move of replacing HAL with Reliance that had no prior experience in the defence sector.
Not just that, as a part of the revised agreement, India agreed to pay more for fewer aircrafts. When a whiff of the large-scale irregularities was felt, protests were organized throughout the country with several investigating agencies raising doubts but all such suspicions were stamped down and several important letters of correspondence and documents went missing. In effect, the government put a lot of effort and made sure that no investigation could be carried out and gave itself a clean chit.
Similarly, decades ago, when the Bofors controversy broke out, an investigation was conducted but the investigation refuted Rajiv Gandhi’s involvement and gave him a clean chit. Arun Shourie who was then writing about the Bofors scam had said in a press conference that the Rafale deal is larger in magnitude than Bofors. Regardless of the fact that several journalists and lawyers approached the Supreme Court demanding an investigation into the Rafale deal, Prime Minister Modi should have on his own ordered an investigation. If it did not have any role in the deal, why is the Modi government hesitating to face an investigation? An investigation would not only shut the opposition but also increase Modi government’s credibility. More than anything else, it would resolve the concerns that people have over the nation’s security. Ironically, by not ordering an investigation, it is almost like Modi has in part accepted the allegations.
The French government’s investigation has given a fresh lease of life to the controversy with questions being raised over India’s silence. The Opposition is demanding an immediate investigation by a Joint Parliamentary Committee. When a country that is part of the deal has expressed its suspicion about financial irregularities, how can India that is a party to the deal not be anguished? If financial irregularities have indeed taken place, India has a lot to answer. Even then, why is the country’s “chowkidar” not uttering a word? This is shameless silence. The fact that an international controversy that has national ramifications on the army and defence sectors has not stirred the government to take cognizance of the issue could trigger yet another round of ‘Chowkidhaar Chor” slogans. Before such slogans can reverberate all across the country, the Chowkidhar must speak.
Let the Truth be known. If you read VB and like VB, please be a VB Supporter and Help us deliver the Truth to one and all.
New Delhi (PTI): Lt Gen NS Raja Subramani will be India's new Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) and his key task is set to be to implement the ambitious theaterisation plan that seeks to ensure tri-services synergy.
He will succeed Gen Anil Chauhan whose tenure will come to an end on May 30.
Gen Chauhan, a former Eastern Army Commander, took charge as the country's senior-most military commander in September 2022, over nine months after the first CDS, General Bipin Rawat, died in a helicopter crash in Tamil Nadu.
The government has appointed Lt Gen NS Raja Subramani (Retd) as the Chief of Defence Staff, who will also function as the secretary of the Department of Military Affairs, the defence ministry said on Saturday.
Lt Gen Subramani is currently serving as the military adviser to the National Security Council Secretariat.
Prior to that, he was the Vice Chief of the Army Staff from July 1, 2024 to July 31, 2025, and was General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Central Command from March 2023 till June 2024.
As Chief of Defence Staff, Lt Gen Subramani's primary task will be to implement the theaterisation model to bring in tri-services synergy by rolling out integrated military commands.
The officer is a graduate of the National Defence Academy and the Indian Military Academy. He was commissioned into the eighth battalion of the Garhwal Rifles on December 14, 1985.
Lt Gen Subramani is an alumnus of Joint Services Command Staff College, Bracknell (UK), and the National Defence College, New Delhi. He holds a Master of Arts degree from King's College London and an MPhil in defence studies from Madras University.
In his illustrious career spanning over 40 years, Lt Gen Subramani has served across a wide spectrum of conflict and terrain profiles and tenanted a host of Command, Staff and Instructional appointments.
He commanded the 16 Garhwal Rifles in Counter-Insurgency operations in Assam as part of Operation Rhino, the 168 Infantry Brigade in Jammu and Kashmir, and the 17 Mountain Division in the Central Sector, all during a challenging operational environment.
He also has the distinction of commanding two Corps, including the Indian Army's premier strike Corps on the Western Front.
