“Who else but the ones who have suffered can truly understand the pain of the suffering?” asked Akka Mahadevi in one of her vachanas. Her words carry a timeless truth: only those who have tasted pain can truly recognise it in others. Gandhi and Ambedkar are often compared through this lens. Gandhi, despite his compassion, could never feel the sting of untouchability the way Ambedkar did, because Ambedkar lived it, carried it, and fought it from within.
But the same truth now shows us its bitter side. The demand for internal reservation within the Scheduled Castes has revealed an uncomfortable reality, sometimes, even the oppressed fail to understand the pain of the oppressed.
In Karnataka, instead of building a united struggle for meaningful implementation of reservation, Dalit communities are fighting each other. Suspicion and mistrust are being fuelled. Instead of seeing the real adversaries, Dalits are searching for enemies within. In this, the upper castes have already won half the battle. By making Dalits clash among themselves in the name of reservation, they have diverted attention away from the real fight, the fight against the caste system itself.
And what has become of reservation today? Across the country, dominant castes that already enjoy wealth and power now demand their share of it. The so-called “poor” among the upper castes managed to secure 10% reservation for themselves, without waging any long struggle, without facing the humiliation that Dalits endured for centuries. This single act has weakened the very spirit of reservation. It is like handing the keys of the henhouse to the fox. What chance then do the hens have? That is exactly the situation Dalits find themselves in.
Upper-caste politics has grown shrewder. Knowing that reservation cannot be scrapped openly, the strategy now is to dilute it step by step. And it is working. Dominant castes keep inching into the fold of reservation, cornering opportunities. Meanwhile, Dalits despite having reservation on paper, remain underrepresented in the judiciary, in the executive, and across positions of real power.
The Madiga community complains that the Holeyas take more than their share. It may be true that Holeyas got relatively more benefits. But the larger question is being ignored: how much has reservation as a whole really transformed even the Holeyas’ lives? How many educated Dalit youth today, despite having degrees, are still unemployed? These questions cut deeper than internal rivalries.
When the upper castes secured their 10% quota, Madigas and Holeyas should have stood shoulder to shoulder and protested. But no such united struggle came. Protests, if any, were scattered, symbolic. Meanwhile, the Modi government is pushing privatisation year after year. With fewer government jobs left, reservation itself is losing meaning. If it is to survive, it must extend into the private sector. Yet, no serious mass movement has been waged for this demand.
During the announcement of internal reservation, the Supreme Court revived the “creamy layer” debate. But why is it that only the cream of the Dalit pot is visible to our judiciary? When it is clear who is snatching away their share of reservation, is it not the greatest irony that Dalits are now dividing themselves into left and right factions, searching for enemies within? Madigas paint Holeyas as oppressors; Holeyas see Madigas as rivals. But do Dalit leaders really not know who has truly grabbed their rights? Or are they being dangled as mere bait, fish caught in the nets of upper-caste political strategies?
After Justice Nagamohan Das submitted his report, insecurities deepened further. Holeya leaders expressed fear that their community would face injustice, sparking anxiety within Madiga groups. Instead of calming these fears with facts, many leaders fanned them, acting less like protectors of their people and more like pawns of upper-caste politics. If Dalits are split in two and internal reservation is pushed through, the results will not strengthen them. It will weaken them. Socially, Dalits will be pushed to the margins. Politically, their representation will shrink. And that political shrinking will bring harsher consequences for their social and economic future.
Akka Mahadevi’s words remind us that those who have lived through pain must be the first to embrace others’ pain as their own. But today, Dalits in Karnataka risk forgetting this wisdom. By allowing division, they risk falling into the very trap set by the caste system itself.
The time has come to see clearly who the real adversary is. Dalits must stop mistaking each other for enemies. They must unite with their grassroots brethren, not fight them. Otherwise, history will record this moment as a tragedy: when the oppressed failed to understand the oppressed.
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New Delhi (PTI): The Supreme Court on Friday said a husband has to equally participate in household chores like cooking, cleaning and washing as he is not marrying a maid but a life partner.
The observations came from a bench of Justices Vikram Nath and Sandeep Mehta which was hearing a petition filed by a man challenging an order of the Karnataka High Court.
The high court had set aside a trial court order granting divorce to the man on the ground of cruelty.
During the hearing before the apex court, the counsel appearing for the man said the mediation between the parties had failed.
He said the marriage between the parties took place in May 2017 and since 2019, the couple is separated.
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"I (man) want a divorce. The trial court granted a divorce on the ground of cruelty," the counsel said.
The bench asked what the cruelty was as alleged in the matter.
The counsel appearing for the man said the woman had indulged in improper behaviour and was not cooking food.
"You have to equally participate in all these. Cooking, cleaning, washing, everything. Today's times are different," Justice Nath observed, adding the high court was right that it might not be a ground for cruelty.
"You are not marrying a maid. You are marrying a life partner," Justice Mehta observed.
The bench was told that both of them were working in a government school.
"Call both parties physically. We would like to speak to them," the bench said.
It posted the matter for hearing on April 27 and asked both parties to remain present before it.
