“Who else but the ones who have suffered can truly understand the pain of the suffering?” asked Akka Mahadevi in one of her vachanas. Her words carry a timeless truth: only those who have tasted pain can truly recognise it in others. Gandhi and Ambedkar are often compared through this lens. Gandhi, despite his compassion, could never feel the sting of untouchability the way Ambedkar did, because Ambedkar lived it, carried it, and fought it from within.
But the same truth now shows us its bitter side. The demand for internal reservation within the Scheduled Castes has revealed an uncomfortable reality, sometimes, even the oppressed fail to understand the pain of the oppressed.
In Karnataka, instead of building a united struggle for meaningful implementation of reservation, Dalit communities are fighting each other. Suspicion and mistrust are being fuelled. Instead of seeing the real adversaries, Dalits are searching for enemies within. In this, the upper castes have already won half the battle. By making Dalits clash among themselves in the name of reservation, they have diverted attention away from the real fight, the fight against the caste system itself.
And what has become of reservation today? Across the country, dominant castes that already enjoy wealth and power now demand their share of it. The so-called “poor” among the upper castes managed to secure 10% reservation for themselves, without waging any long struggle, without facing the humiliation that Dalits endured for centuries. This single act has weakened the very spirit of reservation. It is like handing the keys of the henhouse to the fox. What chance then do the hens have? That is exactly the situation Dalits find themselves in.
Upper-caste politics has grown shrewder. Knowing that reservation cannot be scrapped openly, the strategy now is to dilute it step by step. And it is working. Dominant castes keep inching into the fold of reservation, cornering opportunities. Meanwhile, Dalits despite having reservation on paper, remain underrepresented in the judiciary, in the executive, and across positions of real power.
The Madiga community complains that the Holeyas take more than their share. It may be true that Holeyas got relatively more benefits. But the larger question is being ignored: how much has reservation as a whole really transformed even the Holeyas’ lives? How many educated Dalit youth today, despite having degrees, are still unemployed? These questions cut deeper than internal rivalries.
When the upper castes secured their 10% quota, Madigas and Holeyas should have stood shoulder to shoulder and protested. But no such united struggle came. Protests, if any, were scattered, symbolic. Meanwhile, the Modi government is pushing privatisation year after year. With fewer government jobs left, reservation itself is losing meaning. If it is to survive, it must extend into the private sector. Yet, no serious mass movement has been waged for this demand.
During the announcement of internal reservation, the Supreme Court revived the “creamy layer” debate. But why is it that only the cream of the Dalit pot is visible to our judiciary? When it is clear who is snatching away their share of reservation, is it not the greatest irony that Dalits are now dividing themselves into left and right factions, searching for enemies within? Madigas paint Holeyas as oppressors; Holeyas see Madigas as rivals. But do Dalit leaders really not know who has truly grabbed their rights? Or are they being dangled as mere bait, fish caught in the nets of upper-caste political strategies?
After Justice Nagamohan Das submitted his report, insecurities deepened further. Holeya leaders expressed fear that their community would face injustice, sparking anxiety within Madiga groups. Instead of calming these fears with facts, many leaders fanned them, acting less like protectors of their people and more like pawns of upper-caste politics. If Dalits are split in two and internal reservation is pushed through, the results will not strengthen them. It will weaken them. Socially, Dalits will be pushed to the margins. Politically, their representation will shrink. And that political shrinking will bring harsher consequences for their social and economic future.
Akka Mahadevi’s words remind us that those who have lived through pain must be the first to embrace others’ pain as their own. But today, Dalits in Karnataka risk forgetting this wisdom. By allowing division, they risk falling into the very trap set by the caste system itself.
The time has come to see clearly who the real adversary is. Dalits must stop mistaking each other for enemies. They must unite with their grassroots brethren, not fight them. Otherwise, history will record this moment as a tragedy: when the oppressed failed to understand the oppressed.
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Jammu (PTI): Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah on Monday said India can play a meaningful role in de-escalation in West Asia, given Prime Minister Narendra Modi's strong relations with the warring countries and their neighbours.
He said Pakistan was leveraging ties with Iran and the United States, and that any effort towards ending the war should be welcomed.
"As I said in the House (Assembly), we would like the war to end as soon as possible. The role that the prime minister can play may not be possible for anyone else because of his good relations with all these countries," Abdullah told reporters on the sidelines of a function here.
He, however, said any escalation would not be easy to manage.
"Any such move by US President Donald Trump, despite the long history of Iran resisting external domination, would not be easy," the chief minister said.
Asked about Pakistan mediating in the war, he said, "I will simply say that if any country can play a role in preventing this war, no one should have any objection to it."
He added, "I will repeat what I said … our prime minister has good and close relations with all countries — whether it is Israel, the United States, Iran, or the countries around Iran. If those relationships can be used to make some progress and help ease the situation, it would be a good thing."
Abdullah said attacks by terror groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed in India, as suggested by a report from the United States, are not unlikely.
Meanwhile, he asserted that any efforts to end the war, be it from Pakistan, must not be resisted.
"Pakistan is using its good relations with Iran and the United States to its advantage, and it has done so. How can we object to that? If that angle helps in stopping the war, would you want them not to act and let the war continue? We want the war to stop. If any country can play a role in that, it should. And if we can play an even better role, then we should do so," he said.
On unemployment in J-K, the chief minister said the issue cannot be resolved overnight, and government jobs alone are not the solution.
He stressed the need to explore alternative avenues, highlighting the importance of Mission Yuva in promoting entrepreneurship.
"Mission Yuva provides not just funding but also support in preparing DPRs and post-startup assistance, such as marketing. In just nine months, distributing Rs 1,000 crore and approving numerous schemes is a significant achievement," he said.
Abdullah credited the coordination between the government and Jammu and Kashmir Bank for the scheme's progress.
