On Wednesday, 4th March, something happened in the waters near Sri Lanka that should have made every Indian stop and think. A United States submarine fired a torpedo — an underwater missile that travels silently through the sea and explodes on impact — and sank an Iranian warship called IRIS Dena. At least 80 sailors lost their lives. This was not happening somewhere far away in the Middle East. This happened just off the coast of a country that shares the Indian Ocean with us.

The IRIS Dena was not doing anything suspicious at the time. It was simply returning home after attending the MILAN-2026 naval exercise near Visakhapatnam, an international event proudly organised by the Indian Navy last month. The ship was on what is called a peaceful passage — quietly sailing back through international waters, not threatening anyone, not engaged in any battle. And then it was gone.

This is what makes this incident so deeply unsettling.

The war between the US-Israel alliance and Iran was supposed to be confined to West Asia and the Gulf region. With this single torpedo strike, that war has now moved into the Indian Ocean — right into India's neighbourhood. The question every Indian should now be asking is simple: what does this mean for us, and are our seas safe?

To understand the full picture, you need to know what international maritime law says — because this is where things get complicated. The main rulebook for the world's oceans is called UNCLOS, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Think of it as the constitution of the seas. However, the United States has never signed this agreement. That alone tells you something important.

UNCLOS mostly covers peacetime rules — who owns which sea area, fishing rights, trade routes, and so on. But during a war, a separate set of naval warfare laws kicks in alongside it. Under these laws, since IRIS Dena was an Iranian Navy warship, it was technically considered a valid military target — regardless of where it was sailing or what it was doing at that moment. The Indian Express reported that several Indian Navy officers noted this uncomfortable legal reality clearly.

The UN Charter says in Article 2(4) that countries must not use military force against other countries. That sounds clear. But then Article 51 creates an exception — a country can attack in self-defence if it faces an armed threat. Additionally, the UN Security Council can give special permission for military strikes, as it did during the 1990 Gulf War. But getting that permission requires a majority vote, and none of the five permanent members — the US, Russia, China, the UK, and France — should veto it. Veto power means any one of these five countries can simply say no, and the entire decision is blocked.

It is also worth noting that the US Treasury Department placed official sanctions on the IRIS Dena back in February 2023. Sanctions are basically financial penalties and restrictions placed on a vessel or country — they don't prevent a ship from sailing, but they signal deep suspicion. At the time of the attack, the ship carried close-in weapon systems — rapid-fire guns used to shoot down incoming missiles or drones — and wider area defence systems. Despite this, it was caught completely off guard.

Vice Admiral G Ashok Kumar (Retd), former Vice Chief of the Indian Navy and India's first National Maritime Security Coordinator, told The Indian Express that in the maritime domain, there are simply no fixed boundaries for war zones. Once a conflict begins, it has no clear walls on the sea. The fighting had already started after the ship left Indian shores, he explained. He also noted that since the attack happened inside Sri Lanka's Exclusive Economic Zone — the sea belt where Sri Lanka holds special rights over resources — rescue teams could begin operations relatively quickly.

However, Rear Admiral Sudhir Pillai NM (Retd) raised a harder question. He pointed out that attacking a foreign warship on the high seas — international waters that belong to no single country — is generally considered illegal unless clearly justified as self-defence.

A senior Navy official, as reported by The Indian Express, called this strike a major escalation. The Iranian ship was not in a conflict zone. It was on a peaceful morning passage. Nobody on board would have imagined a torpedo was silently tracking them beneath the waves.

That is the terrifying reality of modern warfare at sea. There are no safe lanes, no guaranteed boundaries, no sacred stretches of water. The ocean is open — and today, it is deeply unpredictable.

India is watching. And India must think very carefully about what comes next.

(Girish Linganna is an award-winning science communicator and a Defence, Aerospace & Geopolitical Analyst. He is the Managing Director of ADD Engineering Components India Pvt. Ltd., a subsidiary of ADD Engineering GmbH, Germany.)

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views, policies, or position of the publication, its editors, or its management. The publication is not responsible for the accuracy of any information, statements, or opinions presented in this piece.

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Kolkata (PTI): The oath-taking ceremony of the first BJP government in West Bengal will be held at Brigade Parade Ground here on May 9, marking the saffron camp’s arrival in power in a state after decades on the political fringes.

The ceremony, scheduled to begin at 10 am, is expected to witness the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Union Home Minister Amit Shah, BJP president Nitin Nabin, several Union ministers and chief ministers of BJP- and NDA-ruled states, party sources said.

“The new BJP government will take oath on May 9 at 10 am at Brigade Parade Ground,” state BJP president Samik Bhattacharya announced on Wednesday.

Even as the BJP leadership kept its cards close to the chest on the chief ministerial face, Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari has emerged as a frontrunner in internal discussions after cementing his position as the party’s principal mass leader in Bengal politics.

Adhikari, once among Mamata Banerjee’s closest lieutenants and a key architect of the TMC’s rural expansion in districts such as Purba Medinipur, crossed over to the BJP ahead of the 2021 assembly elections and went on to defeat Banerjee in Nandigram in one of Bengal’s fiercest political battles.

Five years later, he again found himself at the centre of Bengal’s political churn by beating Banerjee in her own turf at Bhabanipur by over 15,000 votes.

Other names for the CM post doing the rounds include Bhattacharya, Union minister Sukanta Majumdar and former Rajya Sabha MP Swapan Dasgupta, though party insiders indicated that the leadership was inclined towards projecting a “bhumiputra” face rooted in Bengal’s linguistic and cultural ethos.

During the campaign, Shah repeatedly asserted that the BJP’s chief minister in Bengal would be a “son of the soil”, born and educated in the state, in an attempt to blunt the TMC’s sustained attack that the BJP represented an “outsider” political culture alien to Bengal’s social and intellectual traditions.

The BJP bagged 207 of the 294 assembly seats in the recently concluded elections, ending the Trinamool Congress’s uninterrupted 15-year rule and scripting the saffron party’s biggest breakthrough in a state where it once struggled to open its electoral account.

Significantly, the swearing-in ceremony will be held on the 25th day of Baisakh in the Bengali calendar — observed across the state as Rabindra Jayanti, the birth anniversary of Rabindranath Tagore — lending the event a deeper cultural symbolism.

According to BJP leaders, the choice of the date is aimed at embedding the party’s historic rise within Bengal’s cultural imagination and countering the long-standing perception battle over identity and belonging.

Over the last decade, the BJP has steadily attempted to appropriate and reinterpret icons of Bengal’s cultural nationalism — from Tagore and Swami Vivekananda to Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Syama Prasad Mookerjee — as part of a broader ideological effort to expand its emotional and political footprint in the state.

Party insiders said the leadership was also conscious of the need to balance Bengal’s competing regional aspirations while choosing the chief ministerial face, with discussions also taking place around whether greater representation should be accorded to north Bengal, a region where the BJP has made substantial electoral gains over successive elections.

A meeting of the newly elected BJP MLAs has been convened on May 8 evening, party sources said, though the leadership remained tight-lipped over the final choice.

The Brigade Parade Ground ceremony is expected to mark not merely a transfer of power, but a defining moment in Bengal’s political history, the culmination of the BJP’s long ideological and organisational march from the margins to the centre of power in a state that had for decades resisted the saffron surge seen elsewhere in India.