Ranchi/Patna: Stunned by the rout of his Rashtriya Janata Dal in Bihar and Jharkhand in the Lok Sabha election, Lalu Prasad had given up lunch after the declaration of poll results on May 23 for two days.
Prasad had the meal on Sunday, May 26, after doctors, worried for his health, pleaded him that proper food intake was required for his medication to continue, Dr Umesh Prasad, head of the team looking after him, told PTI on Monday.
The RJD president is under treatment for blood pressure, sugar and kidney ailment at the Ranchi-based Rajendra Prasad Institute of Medical Sciences since December 2017 after he was sent to jail by a court, RIMS sources said.
The doctor said Prasad's health parameters are normal.
The jovial RJD supremo, known for his earthy humours, apparently could not digest that his party drew a blank in its stronghold Bihar and also in the neighbouring Jharkhand.
This is the first instance after its inception in 1997, that the RJD could not win a parliamentary seat in Bihar but it's the second time in a row that it failed to open account.
Heading the 'mahagathbandhan' in Bihar, the RJD had fought on 19 seats and shared Arrah constituency with CPI(ML); it got a drubbing at the hands of NDA on all the seats.
Prasad's eldest daughter Misa Bharti was defeated for a second time by Union minister Ramkripal Yadav, her father's former close associate, on Pataliputra constituency.
On Saran seat, held by the RJD president for several times in the past, Chandrika Rai, father-in-law of his elder son Tej Pratap Yadav, tasted defeat at the hands of BJP's Rajiv Pratap Rudy.
Of the 40 Lok Sabha seats in Bihar, only Kishanganj was won by Congress, a grand alliance ally.
This was the first occasion that RJD went into an election without its popular leader Lalu Prasad. His wife Rabri Devi and son and heir apparent Tejashwi Yadav could do little to perk party's poll performance.
Even during the "Modi wave" of 2014, RJD had managed to win four Lok Sabha seats in Bihar.
Later, in the Bihar election, Prasad's party in alliance with JD(U) and Congress emerged as the single largest party with 80 MLAs. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar left the grand alliance in July 2017 and joined hands with BJP again.
RJD spokesman Mritunjay Tiwari told PTI over phone from Patna, that the party would discuss in detail what went wrong for it in the election. But he said Prasad's absence was a big reason for the drubbing.
Tiwari said the results have given the party "a lesson" which the leadership would definitely take into account to win back people's support.
The RJD, which formed the mahagathbandhan with Congress, JMM and Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik), got only Palamau (SC) seat as per the seat-sharing adjustment among them.
But it lost the seat. In Koderma, former RJD state unit president Annapurna Devi fought on BJP ticket and defeated JVM president Babulal Marandi.
RJD leaders on Monday are meeting for a review of the party's humiliating performance, its leader Kailash Yadav said.
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Chennai: Journalist and political commentator Sujit Nair has expressed concern over speculation that the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam could explore a post-poll understanding to prevent Vijay-led Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam from forming the government in Tamil Nadu.
In a social media post, Sujit Nair said the election verdict in Tamil Nadu reflected a clear public demand for political change and argued that the mandate should be respected irrespective of political preferences.
Referring to reports and political discussions surrounding a possible understanding between the DMK and AIADMK, he said he hoped such developments remained only speculative conversations and did not turn into reality.
Nair stated that if such an alliance were to take shape, it would raise serious questions about ideological politics in the country. He said TVK had emerged through a democratic electoral process and that the legitimacy to govern in a parliamentary democracy comes from the people’s verdict.
According to him, attempts to prevent an electoral winner from forming the government through unexpected political arrangements may be constitutionally valid, but many people could view them as politically opportunistic.
He further said that such a move could particularly affect the political image of the DMK, which has historically projected itself around ideology, social justice and opposition politics. Nair said that in ideological terms, the DMK appeared closer to TVK than to the AIADMK, and joining hands with its long-time political rival only to remain in power could weaken its broader political narrative.
He added that the same questions would apply to the AIADMK as well, as the party had spent decades positioning itself against the DMK and such an arrangement could create discomfort among its cadre and supporters.
Drawing a comparison with Maharashtra politics in 2019, Nair said he had expressed similar views when the Shiv Sena formed an alliance with the Indian National Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party after the Assembly elections.
He said post-poll alliances between long-standing political rivals often create a public perception that ideology and electoral mandates become secondary when political power equations come into play.
Nair also said such developments increase public cynicism towards politics and reinforce the belief among voters that ideology is often sidelined after elections.
He maintained that the Tamil Nadu verdict was emphatic and said respecting both the spirit and substance of the mandate was important for the credibility of democratic politics.
