Karnataka sees 65% surge in offences related to religion over four years: Report
Bengaluru: In a troubling development, Karnataka has recorded a sharp rise in offences linked to religion, with cases surging by nearly 65% over the past four years.
Data from the State Crime Records Bureau (SCRB), cited by The New Indian Express on Thursday, reveals that such incidents rose from 208 in 2021 to 345 in 2024.
As of May this year alone, 123 religion-related cases were registered across the state. Communal and religious riots have also seen a steep increase—jumping by over 133%, from 9 incidents in 2021 to 21 in 2024.
Experts attribute the spike to a combination of misinformation spread through social media, a politically polarised environment, and entrenched religious and caste-based tensions in specific districts. Despite government initiatives such as the creation of an anti-communal wing and a special action force, these measures have shown little tangible impact on the ground, added the report.
A serving police commissioner in the state quoted by TNIE cited several institutional shortcomings. “The police have failed to take preventive actions, such as arresting the accused or invoking the Goonda Act against troublemakers,” the commissioner said.
The commissioner also alleged inconsistencies in enforcement, claiming that arrests are often swift when common citizens are involved, but delayed if the accused are politically connected. “If any religious or communal issue arises, there is often direct political party backing on both sides. Political patronage for communal offenders, regardless of which party is in power, is not a new phenomenon in the state,” the officer noted.
Another senior IPS officer serving as a Superintendent of Police in a district echoed similar concerns, adding that a deep sense of communal hatred has taken root in society. “People are increasingly intolerant, even toward minor mischief by members of other communities,” TNIE quoted him as saying. The officer lamented that low conviction rates allow many offenders to evade justice, encouraging repeat offences.
Previously, communal incidents were often confined to specific areas, but social media has significantly widened their reach. The police, however, are stepping up efforts to curb the spread of communal content online and are engaging in community outreach programmes to improve the intelligence network with local leaders, the report added.
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Special Editorial | Changed masters, strengthened chains
The Vartha Bharati movement has today completed a meaningful journey of 22 years and steps proudly into its 23rd year. On this occasion of celebration, on behalf of the entire Vartha Bharati team, we extend heartfelt congratulations and gratitude to all our fellow travelers, our readers, listeners, viewers, supporters, and patrons.
As with every year, at this moment we find it necessary to recall some troubling realities confronting our society, realities that are directly connected to the role of the media.
In the world’s largest democracy, India, there are voices emerging from vigilant sections of society that democracy itself is gasping for its last breath, and that the hard-won rights and freedoms of the people, secured through immense sacrifice and struggle, are slowly disappearing. Truly, this should have shaken the conscience of the nation. Yet, unfortunately, neither society at large, nor especially the younger generation, seems able or willing to pay serious attention to these developments. A generation that inherited democracy without having endured long and difficult struggles, has come to take it for granted, sleepwalking into complacency.
In such circumstances, the responsibility of awakening society about the importance of democracy, exposing those who are quietly robbing the people of their sovereignty, and shaping public opinion towards collective resistance and struggle, falls upon the media, the so-called “fourth pillar” of democracy. Tragically, that very pillar today has itself been turned into a weapon in the hands of those plotting democracy’s destruction.
We Indians are not strangers to resisting illegitimate rulers. The awareness of having been enslaved, the anger against those who imposed that slavery, and the determination to break free, these were the forces that drove us to rise in revolt against British colonial rule. With clarity about who our oppressors were, our rebellion reached massive proportions, burned brightly for decades, and finally achieved victory. In that process, the press, despite its limited reach then, emerged as the most effective weapon for mass awakening. Countless newspapers in Hindi, Urdu, Persian, English, and regional languages stood fearlessly against suppression, shaping public opinion against tyranny. Many journalists themselves filled the prisons of that era, testifying to the decisive role of the press in the struggle for independence.
But the fruits of that long collective struggle, Indian democracy, today exist only in form, not in substance. Worse still, systematic efforts are underway before our very eyes to snuff out even its formal existence. The British had deployed the “divide and rule” policy and several other conspiracies to tighten their grip, most of which succeeded. Yet, one diabolical plot never occurred to them: planting the illusion in the minds of Indians that they themselves were the rulers. Had that thought occurred, there would have been no need for prisons, lathis, cannons, and firing squads. If Indians had come to believe that they were masters of their own land, and that the British were merely benevolent guides bringing modernity, the colonial project would have been infinitely easier. Ironically, what never struck the British then, has dawned on the informal rulers of independent India today, priests, corporate tycoons, and their political and bureaucratic agents.
That is why those who today demand the removal of the words “socialist” and “secular” from the Constitution deserve a grim sort of applause. For in practice, these words indeed have little place in our current political system or society. Before 1976, when they were formally added to the Constitution, our society and state were at least limping in those directions. Government policies, budgets, planning priorities, social atmospheres, even if imperfect, carried traces of socialism and secularism. Today, however, looking at realities on the ground, one cannot help but wonder whether it was “socialist and secular” or rather “capitalist and theocratic” that was officially inscribed. Even the word “democratic”, present in the original Constitution, has been hollowed out, reduced to an empty shell.
The so-called “masters” of today press the word democracy into the minds of citizens as if to remind them: you are the rulers. Yet, this is only to prevent any spark of rebellion against their exploitation. Thus, billionaires like Ambani and Adani, obscurantist priests, and self-styled godmen have quietly been enthroned as India’s masters, while 1.4 billion citizens are reduced to their subjects, without resistance, without debate, without even awareness.
Even if we ignore these subtle betrayals and look only at stark facts, the illusion of being “masters” crumbles. Untouchability continues to be practiced across the country, with over 25% of people openly admitting they follow it. Inter-caste marriages barely cross 5%. Despite constitutional safeguards, higher caste dominance continues in upper-level positions, while marginalized communities remain trapped in the lowest ranks. Representation in decisive and empowering spaces is inversely proportional to population share. Crimes, atrocities, and violence against Dalits and Shudras persist and increase. And yet, the media, our supposed teacher and guide, refuses to acknowledge, let alone discuss, this grim truth.
In 1922, under British rule, 13% of national income was concentrated in the hands of just 1% of the wealthy. If independence truly made us our own rulers, this imbalance should have been corrected. Especially after the word “socialist” was added to the Constitution, one would expect redistribution. Instead, by 2022, after a century of “democracy”, 22.6% of national income lies in the hands of that same 1%. According to Oxfam, today the top 1% control 40% of India’s wealth, and the top 5% control 60%. The bottom 50% of Indians share a mere 3%. Far from empowering the majority, the system has perfected the art of transferring their share into the coffers of the ultra-rich. Even the government admits 11.28% of Indians, some 160 million people, live below the poverty line. Farmers continue to take their lives under crushing debt, even as the Reserve Bank reports that between 2015 and 2024, corporate giants had loans worth ₹16.35 lakh crore written off. The people, ultimately, foot the bill.
When Ambani’s Reliance earned thousands of crores from cheap Russian crude oil, it was the people who ended up paying the price through Trump’s punitive tariffs. Under the banners of “privatisation” and “liberalisation,” what has actually unfolded is the pauperization of the poor and the monopolization of the rich. The Prime Minister, once proud of making India the “fifth-largest economy,” now sings lullabies of being the “third-largest,” all while the number of billionaires grows. These are not signs of prosperity for the people, but of a dangerous polarization of wealth that must alarm us.
The British were accused of looting India’s resources. After independence, the looters changed, but the plunder continued. Now, instead of foreigners, a handful of domestic oligarchs exploit the people, under the mask of democracy. Worse, those controlling the system are openly preparing to bury democracy itself. One by one, its pillars and institutions are being dismantled, the judiciary, investigating agencies, even the credibility of elections. Citizens’ fundamental rights, freedoms, and entitlements are being steadily stripped away.
At such a juncture, the duty of the media should have been to raise alarm, mobilize opinion, and prioritize the defense of democracy. Instead, a large section of media has abandoned this role, joining hands with those conspiring against the people. It is now up to media consumers themselves to hold the press accountable, to correct it, and to bring wayward platforms back in line. If democracy and society are to remain healthy, this task cannot be postponed.
Recognizing the shrinking relevance of print, Vartha Bharati has long expanded into digital and modern platforms of mass communication. Our digital reach far surpasses our print circulation. Today, about 1.5 lakh people read us daily through our website varthabharati.in. Our English edition, english.varthabharati.in, reaches readers across the world. We have over 10 lakh followers on Facebook, over 2 lakh on Instagram, and 7.25 lakh subscribers on YouTube. Our presence on X, WhatsApp, Telegram, and podcasts ensures that Vartha Bharati reaches lakhs of readers and viewers multiple times a day. Through globalkannadiga.com, we remain in constant touch with the global Kannada community.
There is also good news for our supporters: responding to a long-standing demand from readers in North Karnataka, Vartha Bharati will soon launch its Kalaburagi edition. Preparations are in full swing, and we seek the active support of all well-wishers, especially from Kalyana Karnataka, to ensure its success.
Throughout its 22-year journey, this media companion of yours has been recognized for its commitment to truth and justice, its people-centric stand, its social concern, sensitivity, and its dedication to collective welfare. In the days to come, Vartha Bharati will continue to march boldly towards its declared mission. We hope and expect that you, our readers and supporters, will continue walking every step of this journey alongside us.
