New York Times grapples with scandal surrounding article alleging Palestinian sexual violence
Co-Author of ‘Hamas rape’ piece found to be IDF propagandist
A substantial scandal has erupted within the ranks of The New York Times (NYT) following the publication of a major front-page story that accused Palestinian resistance fighters of engaging in the 'systematic' use of sexual violence. The controversial article, titled 'Screams Without Words,' has ignited a firestorm of criticism, primarily focused on the credibility of its authors and the potential biases involved.
At the center of the storm is Anat Schwartz, an Israeli filmmaker co-authoring the contentious piece despite lacking a journalism background. Her ties to Israeli military intelligence have raised concerns about potential biases that may have influenced the framing of the article. Adding a layer of complexity, Schwartz's social media activity came under scrutiny, revealing that she had 'liked' posts featuring racism and violence towards Palestinians.
The article, which centered around events during a raid on October 7, made lurid and unevidenced claims about rape and mutilation by Palestinians. However, the family of the victim, prominently featured in the article, vehemently denied the claims. They accused the authors, including Schwartz, of misleading them about the article's purpose and including false information.
In a disturbing revelation that further fueled skepticism about Schwartz's objectivity, it came to light that she had 'liked' a social media post advocating for turning Gaza 'into a slaughterhouse,' including the summary execution of prisoners and violating norms. This revelation has intensified concerns about the journalist's ability to report on such a highly sensitive issue without bias.
Lead author Jeffrey Gettleman faced criticism after asserting that it was 'not his job to gather evidence' for the claims made in the article. This statement, deemed by many as an abdication of basic journalistic responsibility, added fuel to the controversy surrounding the article.
A closer look at Schwartz's background unearthed her service in Israeli military intelligence, contributing to the ongoing debate about the potential influence of her affiliations on the reporting. The NYT, in response to the escalating scandal, has initiated an investigation into the matter, indicating the severity of the concerns surrounding the article.
A report published by ‘The Intercept’ on February 28 stated, “Since the revelations regarding Schwartz’s recent social media activity, her byline has not appeared in the paper and she has not attended editorial meetings. The paper said that a review into her social media “likes” is ongoing. “Those ‘likes’’ are unacceptable violations of our company policy,” said a Times spokesperson.
“The bigger scandal may be the reporting itself, the process that allowed it into print, and the life-altering impact the reporting had for thousands of Palestinians whose deaths were justified by the alleged systematic sexual violence orchestrated by Hamas the paper claimed to have exposed.
“Another frustrated Times reporter who has also worked as an editor there said, “A lot of focus will understandably, rightfully, be directed at Schwartz but this is most clearly poor editorial decision making that undermines all the other great work being tirelessly done across the paper — both related and completely unrelated to the war — that manages to challenge our readers and meet our standards.” It added.
The Channel 12 podcast interview with Schwartz, which The Intercept translated from Hebrew, opens a window into the reporting process on the controversial story and suggests that The New York Times’s mission was to bolster a predetermined narrative.
In a response to The Intercept’s questions about Schwartz’s podcast interview, a spokesperson for the New York Times walked back the blockbuster article’s framing that evidence shows Hamas had weaponized sexual violence to a softer claim that “there may have been systematic use of sexual assault.”
Times International editor Phil Pan said in a statement that he stands by the work. “Ms. Schwartz was part of a rigorous reporting and editing process,” he said. “She made valuable contributions and we saw no evidence of bias in her work. We remain confident in the accuracy of our reporting and stand by the team’s investigation. But as we have said, her ‘likes’ of offensive and opinionated social media posts, predating her work with us, are unacceptable.”
After this story was published, Schwartz, who did not respond to a request for comment, tweeted to thank the Times for “standing behind the important stories we have published.” She added, “The recent attacks against me will not deter me from continuing my work.” Addressing her social media activity, Schwartz said, “I understand why people who do not know me were offended by the inadvertent ‘like’ I pressed on 10/7 and I apologize for that.” At least three of her “likes” have been the subject of public scrutiny.
The “Screams Without Words” @nytimes article coauthored by Anat Schwartz about mass rape has been systematically debunked by many. How did Anat, who had no journalism experience, and her 24 yr old co-author Adam Sella (nephew by marriage) come to lead a front page investigation?
— Laila Al-Arian (@LailaAlarian) February 24, 2024
Another post liked by Anat Schwartz of @nytimes talks about establishing a narrative that “Hamas is ISIS” for purposes of scaring Westerners. Raises a lot of questions about her journalistic integrity and impartiality and it doesn’t surprise me that the story has so many holes. pic.twitter.com/yJMpMCVJkj
— Laila Al-Arian (@LailaAlarian) February 24, 2024
It is her nephew!
— Esha K (@eshaLegal) February 24, 2024
This is a post from her husband. pic.twitter.com/Sgtz4B6wlL
Now, Jeffrey Gettleman spent years in Africa and he was interviewed in 2018 by times of Israel. He spews run of the mill anti-islamic bigotry. https://t.co/zzYgwwfloq pic.twitter.com/Lqzyby4pFw
— Esha K (@eshaLegal) February 24, 2024
And his quality of reporting is actually much worse than these articles mentions...https://t.co/9gxyC5Aje5
— Esha K (@eshaLegal) February 24, 2024
He admitted to it. pic.twitter.com/zibbbEby31
— Esha K (@eshaLegal) February 24, 2024
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Deep societal faultlines persist despite 75 years of independence: Justice Ujjal Bhuyan
Judge cites denial of home to Muslim girl, opposition to Dalit women cooking mid-day meals
Hyderabad, February 23, 2026: Supreme Court judge Justice Ujjal Bhuyan has said that despite repeated affirmations of constitutional morality by courts, deep societal faultlines rooted in caste and religious discrimination continue to shape everyday realities in India.
Speaking at a seminar on “Constitutional Morality and the Role of District Judiciary” organised by the Telangana Judges Association and the Telangana State Judicial Academy in Hyderabad, Justice Bhuyan reflected on the gap between constitutional ideals and social practices.
He cited a recent instance involving his daughter’s friend, a PhD scholar at a private university in Noida, who was denied accommodation in South Delhi after her surname revealed her Muslim identity. According to Justice Bhuyan, the landlady bluntly informed her that no accommodation was available once her religious background became known.
In another example from Odisha, he referred to resistance by some parents to the government’s mid-day meal programme because the food was prepared by Dalit women employed as cooks. He noted that some parents had objected aggressively and refused to allow their children to consume meals cooked by members of the Scheduled Caste community.
Describing these incidents as “the tip of the iceberg,” Justice Bhuyan said they reveal how far society remains from the benchmark of constitutional morality even 75 years into the Republic. He observed that while the Constitution lays down standards of equality and dignity, the morality practised within homes and communities often diverges sharply from those values.
He emphasised that constitutional morality requires governance through the rule of law rather than the rule of popular opinion. Referring to the evolution of the doctrine through judicial decisions, he cited Naz Foundation v Union of India, in which the Delhi High Court read down Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, holding that popular morality cannot restrict fundamental rights under Article 21. Though the judgment was later overturned in Suresh Kumar Koushal v Naz Foundation, the Supreme Court ultimately restored and expanded the principle in Navtej Singh Johar v Union of India, affirming that constitutional morality must prevail over majoritarian views.
“In our constitutional scheme, it is the constitutionality of the issue before the court that is relevant, not the dominant or popular view,” he said.
Justice Bhuyan also addressed the functioning of the district judiciary, underlining that trial courts are the first point of contact for most litigants and form the foundation of the justice delivery system. He stressed that due importance must be given to the recording of evidence and adjudication of bail matters.
Highlighting the role of High Courts, he said their supervisory jurisdiction under Article 227 of the Constitution is intended as a shield to correct grave jurisdictional errors, not as a mechanism to substitute the discretion or factual appreciation of trial judges.
He recalled that several distinguished judges, including Justice H R Khanna, Justice A M Ahmadi, and Justice Fathima Beevi, began their careers in the district judiciary.
On representation within the judicial system, Justice Bhuyan noted that Telangana has made significant strides in gender inclusion. Out of a sanctioned strength of 655 judicial officers in the Telangana Judicial Service, 478 are currently serving, of whom 283 are women, exceeding 50 per cent representation. He added that members of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, minority communities, and persons with disabilities are also represented in the state’s judiciary.
He observed that greater representation of women, marginalised communities, persons with disabilities, and sexual minorities would help make the judiciary more inclusive and reflective of India’s diversity. “The judiciary must represent all the colours of the rainbow and become a rainbow institution,” he said.
Justice Bhuyan also referred to the recent restoration by the Supreme Court of the requirement of a minimum three years of practice at the Bar for entry-level judicial posts. While acknowledging that the requirement ensures practical exposure, he cautioned that its impact on women aspirants, especially those from rural or small-town backgrounds facing social and financial constraints, would need to be carefully observed over time.
Concluding his address, he reiterated that the justice system must strive to bridge the gap between constitutional ideals and lived realities, ensuring that the rule of law remains paramount.
