Most exit polls get Chhattisgarh poll results, scale of BJP's MP win wrong
New Delhi, Dec 3: With the Assembly election results throwing up surprises, most exit polls got the outcome in Chhattisgarh and the scale of the BJP's win in Madhya Pradesh wrong.
Only India Today-Axis My India, Today's Chanakya and India TV-CNX had predicted a big victory for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Madhya Pradesh.
Many pollsters, however, got their prediction for the Telangana and Rajasthan polls right.
The BJP tightened its stranglehold in the Hindi heartland with big victories in the Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh polls, while the Congress is set to oust the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) from power in Telangana.
According to the Election Commission (EC), while the BJP is projected to win 54 seats and the Congress 35 in Chhattisgarh, in Rajasthan, the saffron party is set to win 115 seats and the Congress 69.
In Madhya Pradesh, the BJP is set to win 165 seats and the Congress 64. In Telangana, the Congress is poised to win 64 seats, the BRS 39 and the BJP eight.
Elections to five states, including Mizoram, took place between November 7 and November 30 and the counting of votes for four states was taken up on Sunday.
The poll results for Mizoram will be declared on Monday.
In Madhya Pradesh, while Dainik Bhaskar had predicted 95 to 115 seats for the BJP and 105 to 120 seats for the Congress, India Today-Axis My India had said the saffron party would get 140 to 162 seats and the Congress between 68 and 90.
India TV-CNX had also predicted a landslide victory for the BJP, pegging the number of seats at 140 to 159 and 70 to 89 for the Congress. Today's Chanakya had predicted that the BJP would get up to 163 seats while the Congress's tally would be between 62 and 86.
While the Jan Ki Baat exit poll had predicted that the BJP would get 100 to 123 seats and the Congress 102 to 125, Republic TV-Matrize had given 118 to 130 seats to the saffron party and 97 to 107 seats to the Congress.
TV9 Bharatvarsh-Polstrat had said the BJP would get 106 to 116 seats and the Congress between 111 and 121. Times Now-ETG had given 105 to 117 seats to the BJP and 109 to 125 seats to the Congress.
Jist-TIF-NAI had said the Congress had an edge in Madhya Pradesh, just like in 2018, and predicted 107 to 124 seats for the party as against the BJP's tally of 102 to 119 seats.
In Rajasthan, India Today-Axis My India had hinted at a tight race, predicting 86 to 106 seats for the Congress, 80 to 100 seats for the BJP and nine to 18 seats for others.
While Dainik Bhaskar had given 98 to 105 seats to the BJP and 85 to 95 seats to the Congress, Jan Ki Baat had forecast that the saffron party would get 100 to 122 seats and the Congress between 62 and 85.
TV9 Bharatvarsh-Polstrat had predicted 100 to 110 seats for the BJP and 90 to 100 seats for the Congress in Rajasthan. Times Now-ETG had predicted 108 to 128 seats for the BJP and 56 to 72 seats for the Congress in the desert state.
Today's Chanakya got it wrong, giving a simple majority to the Congress, projecting that it would get 101 seats as against the BJP's tally of 89.
While India TV-CNX had put the Congress's tally at 94 to 104 in the 200-member Rajasthan Assembly and the BJP's at 80 to 90, Republic TV-Matrize had given 115 to 130 seats to the saffron party and 65 to 75 seats to the Congress.
P-MARQ pollsters gave 105 to 125 seats to the BJP and 69 to 91 seats to the Congress.
Jist-TIF-NAI had predicted that the revolving-door tradition would continue in Rajasthan and said the BJP would bag 110 seats and the Congress 70.
For Chhattisgarh, while ABP News-C Voter had predicted 41 to 53 seats for the Congress and 36 to 48 seats for the BJP in the 90-member House, India Today-Axis My India had forecast 40 to 50 seats for the Congress and 36 to 46 seats for the BJP.
India TV-CNX had forecast 46 to 56 seats for the Congress and 30 to 40 seats for the BJP.
News 24-Today's Chanakya was off the mark in Chhattisgarh, predicting that the Congress would secure a clear majority with 57 seats (plus-minus eight) while the BJP would get 33 seats (plus-minus eight).
According to Jan Ki Baat, the BJP would get 34 to 45 seats and the Congress between 42 and 53.
Dainik Bhaskar had also predicted a Congress victory, putting the party's tally at 46 to 55 seats as against the BJP's 35 to 45 seats.
For Telangana, while India TV-CNX had forecast 63 to 79 seats for the Congress, 31 to 47 seats for the BRS, two to four seats for the BJP and five to seven seats for the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), Jan Ki Baat had forecast that the Congress would get 48 to 64 seats, the BRS would get 40 to 55 seats, the BJP would get seven to 13 seats and the AIMIM between four and seven seats.
Republic TV-Matrize had predicted that the Congress would get 58 to 68 seats in Telangana, the BRS would get 46 to 56 seats, the BJP four to nine seats and the AIMIM five to seven seats. TV9 Bharatvarsh-Polstrat had said the Congress would get 49 to 59 seats, the BRS 48 to 58, the BJP five to 10 and the AIMIM six to eight.
News 24-Today's Chanakya had predicted a clear victory for the Congress, giving the party 71 seats against 33 of the BRS and seven of the BJP.
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Deep societal faultlines persist despite 75 years of independence: Justice Ujjal Bhuyan
Judge cites denial of home to Muslim girl, opposition to Dalit women cooking mid-day meals
Hyderabad, February 23, 2026: Supreme Court judge Justice Ujjal Bhuyan has said that despite repeated affirmations of constitutional morality by courts, deep societal faultlines rooted in caste and religious discrimination continue to shape everyday realities in India.
Speaking at a seminar on “Constitutional Morality and the Role of District Judiciary” organised by the Telangana Judges Association and the Telangana State Judicial Academy in Hyderabad, Justice Bhuyan reflected on the gap between constitutional ideals and social practices.
He cited a recent instance involving his daughter’s friend, a PhD scholar at a private university in Noida, who was denied accommodation in South Delhi after her surname revealed her Muslim identity. According to Justice Bhuyan, the landlady bluntly informed her that no accommodation was available once her religious background became known.
In another example from Odisha, he referred to resistance by some parents to the government’s mid-day meal programme because the food was prepared by Dalit women employed as cooks. He noted that some parents had objected aggressively and refused to allow their children to consume meals cooked by members of the Scheduled Caste community.
Describing these incidents as “the tip of the iceberg,” Justice Bhuyan said they reveal how far society remains from the benchmark of constitutional morality even 75 years into the Republic. He observed that while the Constitution lays down standards of equality and dignity, the morality practised within homes and communities often diverges sharply from those values.
He emphasised that constitutional morality requires governance through the rule of law rather than the rule of popular opinion. Referring to the evolution of the doctrine through judicial decisions, he cited Naz Foundation v Union of India, in which the Delhi High Court read down Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, holding that popular morality cannot restrict fundamental rights under Article 21. Though the judgment was later overturned in Suresh Kumar Koushal v Naz Foundation, the Supreme Court ultimately restored and expanded the principle in Navtej Singh Johar v Union of India, affirming that constitutional morality must prevail over majoritarian views.
“In our constitutional scheme, it is the constitutionality of the issue before the court that is relevant, not the dominant or popular view,” he said.
Justice Bhuyan also addressed the functioning of the district judiciary, underlining that trial courts are the first point of contact for most litigants and form the foundation of the justice delivery system. He stressed that due importance must be given to the recording of evidence and adjudication of bail matters.
Highlighting the role of High Courts, he said their supervisory jurisdiction under Article 227 of the Constitution is intended as a shield to correct grave jurisdictional errors, not as a mechanism to substitute the discretion or factual appreciation of trial judges.
He recalled that several distinguished judges, including Justice H R Khanna, Justice A M Ahmadi, and Justice Fathima Beevi, began their careers in the district judiciary.
On representation within the judicial system, Justice Bhuyan noted that Telangana has made significant strides in gender inclusion. Out of a sanctioned strength of 655 judicial officers in the Telangana Judicial Service, 478 are currently serving, of whom 283 are women, exceeding 50 per cent representation. He added that members of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, minority communities, and persons with disabilities are also represented in the state’s judiciary.
He observed that greater representation of women, marginalised communities, persons with disabilities, and sexual minorities would help make the judiciary more inclusive and reflective of India’s diversity. “The judiciary must represent all the colours of the rainbow and become a rainbow institution,” he said.
Justice Bhuyan also referred to the recent restoration by the Supreme Court of the requirement of a minimum three years of practice at the Bar for entry-level judicial posts. While acknowledging that the requirement ensures practical exposure, he cautioned that its impact on women aspirants, especially those from rural or small-town backgrounds facing social and financial constraints, would need to be carefully observed over time.
Concluding his address, he reiterated that the justice system must strive to bridge the gap between constitutional ideals and lived realities, ensuring that the rule of law remains paramount.
