Ramachandra Guha compares his freedom to Umar Khalid’s incarceration, asks why justice delayed
Disclaimer: The following report is based on historian Ramachandra Guha’s opinion piece titled A Life Aborted, published in The Telegraph on November 1, 2025.
Noted historian and author Ramachandra Guha, in his latest artcicle A Life Aborted published in The Telegraph on November 1, 2025, reflected on the academic brilliance of jailed scholar Umar Khalid and the tragic halt to his scholarly career due to his continued imprisonment.
Guha began by recalling his own early research as a historian of forest communities under British colonial rule and how, despite moving to different subjects over the years, he continues to remain attached to that field. He said he recently read a doctoral thesis that impressed him a work on the social and environmental history of what is now Jharkhand.
The thesis, Guha noted, focused on the transformation of Adivasi society in Singhbhum during British colonial rule. It examined how the East India Company took control of the territory and how colonialism reshaped its natural landscape, legal framework, and political and economic systems. The research explored themes such as the commercial orientation of British forest policy, the changing role of local village headmen, and the responses of Adivasi communities to the sweeping changes brought by colonial power.
The scholar, Guha wrote, also paid close attention to intellectual history, offering thoughtful readings of both British officials and Indian anthropologists who studied Singhbhum’s tribal societies.
He went on to list six qualities that made the work stand out:
A strong grasp of previous scholarship – The researcher had a command over writings on Adivasis across India, whether from well-known or obscure authors.
Extensive use of primary sources – The thesis was based on archival work in national, state, and district records, as well as in old essays and books over a century old.
Commitment to fieldwork – The historian had personally visited the area, following Marc Bloch’s advice that a historian needs both thicker boots and thicker notebooks.
Effective use of quotations – The thesis included vivid quotes that brought history alive. One British officer’s account of a forest hunt depicted local tribes dancing, singing, and carrying traditional weapons. Another quote, from a century later during the Non-Cooperation Movement, showed how nationalist sentiment had reached the tribal heartland.
Clarity in writing – Guha praised the author for his simple and powerful language, free from academic jargon.
Balanced argumentation – The scholar avoided the usual stereotypes about tribal life, instead showing how Adivasi communities had diverse responses to colonialism. Some resisted the state, some cooperated, while others used the new system to improve their standing within their own societies.
Guha also pointed out that while the thesis was outstanding, it was not without flaws. It missed certain important secondary sources, such as the works of T.N. Madan on Indian anthropology, and could have included more folklore and oral histories. He also felt that some primary source quotes were unnecessarily long and weakened the narrative.
Despite these minor issues, Guha described it as one of the finest doctoral dissertations he had read by an Indian scholar. He observed that works of such quality often get published as books within a few years of submission, citing examples such as Subalterns and Sovereigns by Nandini Sundar and Fencing the Forest by Mahesh Rangarajan, both of which emerged from doctoral research.
He added that other historians like Bhavani Raman, Aditya Balasubramanian, Nikhil Menon, and Dinyar Patel also saw their doctoral dissertations turn into acclaimed books soon after completion.
Guha then revealed that the remarkable thesis he was praising had been submitted in 2018 by Dr Umar Khalid. However, despite its merit, it has not yet been published as a book because its author has been in prison for more than five years without bail or formal charges.
Guha stated that he has never met Umar Khalid but recalled that both of them had participated in separate peaceful protests in December 2019 against what he described as a discriminatory law, Khalid in Delhi and Guha in Bengaluru. Reflecting on the contrast between their lives since then, Guha wondered if his freedom to continue research and writing was because his name is Ramachandra and not Umar.
Towards the end of the piece, Guha broadened his reflection beyond Khalid, pointing out that many upright Indians scholars, activists, and social workers are facing prolonged imprisonment on questionable charges filed by authorities acting under political pressure. These individuals, he said, have always stood for non-violence and upheld the core values of the Indian Constitution, yet find themselves targeted by what he called “authoritarian and majoritarian tendencies of the ruling regime.”
He lamented that these individuals are spending the best years of their lives behind bars when they could be contributing to the progress of the Republic. Guha concluded his column by urging the judiciary to show both decency and courage to restore their freedom.
Disclaimer: The above report is based entirely on historian Ramachandra Guha’s article A Life Aborted, published in The Telegraph on November 1, 2025.
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Deep societal faultlines persist despite 75 years of independence: Justice Ujjal Bhuyan
Judge cites denial of home to Muslim girl, opposition to Dalit women cooking mid-day meals
Hyderabad, February 23, 2026: Supreme Court judge Justice Ujjal Bhuyan has said that despite repeated affirmations of constitutional morality by courts, deep societal faultlines rooted in caste and religious discrimination continue to shape everyday realities in India.
Speaking at a seminar on “Constitutional Morality and the Role of District Judiciary” organised by the Telangana Judges Association and the Telangana State Judicial Academy in Hyderabad, Justice Bhuyan reflected on the gap between constitutional ideals and social practices.
He cited a recent instance involving his daughter’s friend, a PhD scholar at a private university in Noida, who was denied accommodation in South Delhi after her surname revealed her Muslim identity. According to Justice Bhuyan, the landlady bluntly informed her that no accommodation was available once her religious background became known.
In another example from Odisha, he referred to resistance by some parents to the government’s mid-day meal programme because the food was prepared by Dalit women employed as cooks. He noted that some parents had objected aggressively and refused to allow their children to consume meals cooked by members of the Scheduled Caste community.
Describing these incidents as “the tip of the iceberg,” Justice Bhuyan said they reveal how far society remains from the benchmark of constitutional morality even 75 years into the Republic. He observed that while the Constitution lays down standards of equality and dignity, the morality practised within homes and communities often diverges sharply from those values.
He emphasised that constitutional morality requires governance through the rule of law rather than the rule of popular opinion. Referring to the evolution of the doctrine through judicial decisions, he cited Naz Foundation v Union of India, in which the Delhi High Court read down Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, holding that popular morality cannot restrict fundamental rights under Article 21. Though the judgment was later overturned in Suresh Kumar Koushal v Naz Foundation, the Supreme Court ultimately restored and expanded the principle in Navtej Singh Johar v Union of India, affirming that constitutional morality must prevail over majoritarian views.
“In our constitutional scheme, it is the constitutionality of the issue before the court that is relevant, not the dominant or popular view,” he said.
Justice Bhuyan also addressed the functioning of the district judiciary, underlining that trial courts are the first point of contact for most litigants and form the foundation of the justice delivery system. He stressed that due importance must be given to the recording of evidence and adjudication of bail matters.
Highlighting the role of High Courts, he said their supervisory jurisdiction under Article 227 of the Constitution is intended as a shield to correct grave jurisdictional errors, not as a mechanism to substitute the discretion or factual appreciation of trial judges.
He recalled that several distinguished judges, including Justice H R Khanna, Justice A M Ahmadi, and Justice Fathima Beevi, began their careers in the district judiciary.
On representation within the judicial system, Justice Bhuyan noted that Telangana has made significant strides in gender inclusion. Out of a sanctioned strength of 655 judicial officers in the Telangana Judicial Service, 478 are currently serving, of whom 283 are women, exceeding 50 per cent representation. He added that members of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, minority communities, and persons with disabilities are also represented in the state’s judiciary.
He observed that greater representation of women, marginalised communities, persons with disabilities, and sexual minorities would help make the judiciary more inclusive and reflective of India’s diversity. “The judiciary must represent all the colours of the rainbow and become a rainbow institution,” he said.
Justice Bhuyan also referred to the recent restoration by the Supreme Court of the requirement of a minimum three years of practice at the Bar for entry-level judicial posts. While acknowledging that the requirement ensures practical exposure, he cautioned that its impact on women aspirants, especially those from rural or small-town backgrounds facing social and financial constraints, would need to be carefully observed over time.
Concluding his address, he reiterated that the justice system must strive to bridge the gap between constitutional ideals and lived realities, ensuring that the rule of law remains paramount.
