Book review: Middle class, media and Modi; the making of new electoral politics
The new research book “Middle Class, Media and Modi – The Making of A New Electoral Politics”, by Nagesh Prabhu, senior journalist, published by SAGE (2020), digs into the implications of the Indian middle class growth, and uncovers its role in electoral politics, media and the emergence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) since the 1980s.
The author examined the political developments from a clear-eyed and unbiased look at how the middle class transformed the political landscape in the post-liberalization India. Today’s middle class has always been at the centre of narrative around the country’s economic growth. It craved for its own economic well-being.
After debating the growth of the middle class under various Congress governments, the author discusses the role of the Indian middle class in shaping the economy and reasons for its support for the BJP in 2014 and 2019 parliamentary elections.
The book, which runs into over 400 pages, provided insights into the middle class politics and has thrown light on the use of traditional and new media by political parties, including the BJP and Prime Minister Modi.
Unlike other books in the field, this book has analyzed the politics from the class perspective and not from a traditional caste angle, though the caste plays a major role in politics. Dr Prabhu argues that education, income, occupation and class played a significant role in voting pattern in 2014 and 2019.
The author noted the growth of the Muslim and Dalit middle class and argues that the size of the middle class was different in different states owing to variations in growth/ development.
Using his journalist skills to seriously narrate the country’s political developments from the middle class perspective, the book highlighted the role of the middle class in nation building activities during the Nehru and Indira Gandhi regimes.
The author argues that the middle class, which used distanced itself from mainstream politics thinking that politics as a major cause of distraction for growth of their careers, are now negotiating the political frame and penalizing those who are seen as halting their growth and prosperity in the globalized economy.
Dr. Prabhu defended the arguments by providing answers to questions such as why have the Indian middle class, and upper caste who have always found comfort in social security and stability embraced Modi’s brand of Hindutva?
Noting the reform process, the author develops a theoretical approach to the nature of politics and class formation in the era of liberal economy. Besides tracing programmes launched by the Modi government during the last six years, the author discusses the impact of demonetization, GST, and Ayushman Bharat and many welfare schemes on the poor and the middle class.
The book has eight chapters. In the present context, the subject matter of the book is important and the ease with which it written make it a worthwhile read.
Book reviewer is Chartered Accountant in Bengaluru.
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Single higher education regulator bill tabled in LS; Oppn flags ‘centralisation,' JPC likely
New Delhi: A bill to set up a 13-member body to regulate institutions of higher education was introduced in the Lok Sabha on Monday.
Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan introduced the Viksit Bharat Shiksha Adhishthan Bill, which seeks to establish an overarching higher education commission along with three councils for regulation, accreditation, and ensuring academic standards for universities and higher education institutions in India.
Meanwhile, the move drew strong opposition, with members warning that it could weaken institutional autonomy and result in excessive centralisation of higher education in India.
The Viksit Bharat Shiksha Adhishthan Bill, 2025, earlier known as the Higher Education Council of India (HECI) Bill, has been introduced in line with the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020.
The proposed legislation seeks to merge three existing regulatory bodies, the University Grants Commission (UGC), the All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE), and the National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE), into a single unified body called the Viksit Bharat Shiksha Adhishthan.
At present, the UGC regulates non-technical higher education institutions, the AICTE oversees technical education, and the NCTE governs teacher education in India.
Under the proposed framework, the new commission will function through three separate councils responsible for regulation, accreditation, and the maintenance of academic standards across universities and higher education institutions in the country.
According to the Bill, the present challenges faced by higher educational institutions due to the multiplicity of regulators having non-harmonised regulatory approval protocols will be done away with.
The higher education commission, which will be headed by a chairperson appointed by the President of India, will cover all central universities and colleges under it, institutes of national importance functioning under the administrative purview of the Ministry of Education, including IITs, NITs, IISc, IISERs, IIMs, and IIITs.
At present, IITs and IIMs are not regulated by the University Grants Commission (UGC).
Government to refer bill to JPC; Oppn slams it
The government has expressed its willingness to refer it to a joint committee after several members of the Lok Sabha expressed strong opposition to the Bill, stating that they were not given time to study its provisions.
Responding to the opposition, Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju said the government intends to refer the Bill to a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) for detailed examination.
Congress Lok Sabha MP Manish Tewari warned that the Bill could result in “excessive centralisation” of higher education. He argued that the proposed law violates the constitutional division of legislative powers between the Union and the states.
According to him, the Bill goes beyond setting academic standards and intrudes into areas such as administration, affiliation, and the establishment and closure of university campuses. These matters, he said, fall under Entry 25 of the Concurrent List and Entry 32 of the State List, which cover the incorporation and regulation of state universities.
Tewari further stated that the Bill suffers from “excessive delegation of legislative power” to the proposed commission. He pointed out that crucial aspects such as accreditation frameworks, degree-granting powers, penalties, institutional autonomy, and even the supersession of institutions are left to be decided through rules, regulations, and executive directions. He argued that this amounts to a violation of established constitutional principles governing delegated legislation.
Under the Bill, the regulatory council will have the power to impose heavy penalties on higher education institutions for violating provisions of the Act or related rules. Penalties range from ₹10 lakh to ₹75 lakh for repeated violations, while establishing an institution without approval from the commission or the state government could attract a fine of up to ₹2 crore.
Concerns were also raised by members from southern states over the Hindi nomenclature of the Bill. N.K. Premachandran, an MP from the Revolutionary Socialist Party representing Kollam in Kerala, said even the name of the Bill was difficult to pronounce.
He pointed out that under Article 348 of the Constitution, the text of any Bill introduced in Parliament must be in English unless Parliament decides otherwise.
DMK MP T.M. Selvaganapathy also criticised the government for naming laws and schemes only in Hindi. He said the Constitution clearly mandates that the nomenclature of a Bill should be in English so that citizens across the country can understand its intent.
Congress MP S. Jothimani from Tamil Nadu’s Karur constituency described the Bill as another attempt to impose Hindi and termed it “an attack on federalism.”
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